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Women are guided into gendered career paths through competency assessments. And science proves it!

Why do women end up in "care and education" while men become CEOs? This is not a coincidence. Let’s explore the well-oiled mechanism of gendered career guidance...

Science shows that the tests, which serve as the foundation for career transition or professional guidance services such as competency assessments, are gendered.

The personality tests precede competency assessments or career (re)orientation advice. They form the basis of the entire process, the foundation upon which everything is built and from which all decisions flow.

Yet, these tests are not neutral: they are gendered. This is not their only limitation, as I explore in my book on career guidance methods, but I had not specifically emphasized this point, which now seems equally important. Psychological research has demonstrated this, and the consequences on professional orientation are real.

The personality tests are unfortunately used for career guidance to help individuals make career choices.

A bit of history: since when do we know that these tests are biased?

The criticism of gender bias in career guidance dates back to the 1970s, when early studies on gendered education highlighted a tendency for schools and psychometric tests to reinforce traditional social roles (Eccles, 1994).

Research from the 1990s and 2000s confirmed that some personality and career orientation tests reinforced these biases, either by suggesting stereotypical professions or by influencing candidates' self-perception (Lent, Brown & Hackett, 1994).

All tests are concerned? Differences between MBTI, Big Five, RIASEC, etc.

Not all tests are biased in the same way. Some psychometric tests have a more scientific approach, while others rely more on subjective models influenced by cultural representations.

Let’s take a closer look.

  • MBTI (Myers-Briggs Type Indicator): Highly popular but often criticized for its lack of scientific validation. The questions are self-evaluative, which can reinforce unconscious biases in participants. A woman who perceives herself as empathetic will be more oriented towards social professions, even if she has engineering skills.
  • Big Five (Five-Factor Model): Somewhat more scientifically validated, but studies have shown that traits of warmth and social openness are often overrepresented in women, reinforcing gendered career orientations.
  • RIASEC (Holland's Model): One of the most widely used in professional orientation. It classifies individuals into six personality types (Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, Conventional).

A study highlights significant gender differences in RIASEC scores, in the journal L'Orientation Scolaire et Professionnelle revealed the following findings :

  • Realistic Type: Boys scored an average of 9.15 (SD = 7.11), while girls scored 4.41 (SD = 3.86).
  • Artistic Type: Girls scored an average of 15.30 (SD = 7.60), compared to 10.45 (SD = 7.46) for boys.
  • Social Type: Girls scored an average of 18.58 (SD = 7.79), while boys scored 11.78 (SD = 6.85).

These findings indicate that boys tend to score higher in the Realistic domain, while girls are more concentrated in the Artistic and Social domains. The Investigative and Enterprising types did not show significant gender differences.

These results suggest an overrepresentation of women in "Artistic" and "Social" categories, and men in the "Realistic" category, which can further reinforce stereotypical career trends associated with these types.

The tests based on self-evaluation (MBTI, RIASEC) are more prone to bias than those based on objective competency assessments (Big Five). Yet, they are at the core of nearly all competency assessments.

The influence of gender stereotypes in tests.

Studies show that career orientation tests tend to reinforce gender stereotypes by suggesting professions based on behavioral tendencies associated with each sex.

Research has demonstrated that professional interests are socially constructed and influenced by gender norms from childhood. Women are more often guided toward professions related to human relations (teaching, healthcare, human resources), while men are directed toward technical professions or jobs related to objects and systems.

These biases are explained by social role theory, which suggests that cultural expectations influence preferences and career choices, even when men and women have similar competencies and interests.

How do algorithms and test criteria influence results?

With digitalization, career orientation tests are increasingly automated and algorithm-based. The problem: algorithms are trained on historical data, meaning they can reproduce and amplify existing societal biases.

For example, a LinkedIn study (2020) revealed that job recommendations via algorithms suggested more leadership positions to men than to women, simply because past data showed fewer women in these roles.

If an algorithm is fed databases where nurses are 90% women and engineers are 80% men, it will tend to perpetuate these same recommendations to candidates, without analyzing their real skills.

Differences between old and new tests: a real evolution?

Older tests (created before the 2000s) tend to reflect more rigid gender roles, as they were developed in a context where gender differentiation was stronger.

However, efforts have been made in recent tests to minimize these biases:
✔️ Using more neutral job titles (e.g., "network specialist" instead of "IT engineer")
✔️ Focusing more on competencies rather than personality traits alone
✔️ Removing stereotypical visuals (e.g., avoiding images of men in suits and women in medical uniforms)

Despite these improvements, implicit biases persist, particularly through self-reported responses from participants.

The impact of implicit biases on test results.

Gender stereotypes not only influence results but also affect the perception of skills and how individuals interpret their abilities.

In professional contexts, women are perceived as less competent in technical fields, even when they have the same qualifications. These biases can be unconsciously embedded in the design of tests and the interpretation of results.

Additionally, images and descriptions used in tests can activate stereotypes and influence participants’ responses. A test that presents an engineer as a man in a lab coat does not implicitly invite a young woman to see herself in that role.

The influence of cultural and socio-economic context.

The same test can produce different results depending on the country. Here are some examples:

  • In France, women are more often guided toward care and education professions.
  • In the United States, emphasis is placed on "ambition" and "entrepreneurial spirit," which favors male profiles in some professions.
  • In Asia, collective values influence results: tests often favor careers based on their contribution to the group, reinforcing traditional roles.

Further proof of the recognition of this major issue, some tests have been revised to reduce bias.

The Strong Interest Inventory (2018): Initially criticized for over-orienting women toward social professions, it was modified to integrate transversal skills and reduce the impact of gendered interests.

The European project Gender Neutral Job Orientation (2021): This program redesigned career orientation tests by incorporating adjusted scores to prevent women from being over-directed toward "care" roles and men toward technical roles.

The stereotype threat: an underestimated factor?

Another well-documented phenomenon is stereotype threat, which can affect test results.

Studies have shown that women perform worse in math tests when reminded before the test that men generally score higher. This simple reminder triggers unconscious doubts that alter their performance.

In career orientation tests, this threat can lead women to underestimate their skills in fields perceived as masculine, such as IT or engineering.

How to design fairer tests?

It is crucial to rethink these tools to prevent them from perpetuating biases. Some improvement strategies include:

✔️ Developing tests based on competencies rather than gendered interests.
✔️ Using neutral wording and examples to avoid unconscious biases in responses.
✔️ Training career counselors to recognize these biases so they do not interpret results in a gendered way.
✔️ Regularly reviewing tests and their criteria to ensure they are not based on outdated norms.


Conclusion

Career orientation tests are not neutral and can reinforce deeply ingrained gender biases in society, despite efforts to update them. If we want to allow everyone to fully explore their potential, it is necessary to adopt more equitable and adapted methods.

Instead of relying on biased tools, career guidance should be a process of deep reflection, where each individual can discover their aspirations without being limited by rigid frameworks.

The challenge is to move away from standardized orientation towards a truly personalized approach, one that considers individual talents and desires without filtering them through gender stereotypes.

Current competency assessments and career orientation tests do not guarantee total objectivity. Designed on pseudo-scientific foundations, they often perpetuate gender stereotypes, subtly influencing career choices.

If you seek an orientation truly tailored to your profile, favor a deep self-exploration, an open-ended career discovery process free from gender filters, and a personalized analysis of your real aptitudes.

The only meaningful approach to career orientation is one that focuses on human uniqueness and total openness.

 

 

Bibliography

Eagly, A. H., & Wood, W. (2012). Social Role Theory. In Handbook of Theories of Social Psychology (pp. 458–476). Sage.
This theory explains that gender stereotypes stem from the traditional social roles assigned to men and women. Societal expectations influence career choices and perceptions of competence, often reinforcing unconscious biases.

Eccles, J. S. (1994). Understanding women's educational and occupational choices: Applying the Eccles et al. model of achievement-related choices. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 18(4), 585–609.
This study highlights the social, cultural, and psychological factors that shape women’s educational and career choices. Gendered expectations and the lack of female role models influence these decisions.

Guichard, J., & Huteau, M. (2007). Psychologie de l’orientation. Dunod.
This book explores the psychology of career guidance, showing how tests and decision-making processes can reflect social stereotypes, affecting how individuals perceive their career options.

Heilman, M. E. (2001). Description and prescription: How gender stereotypes prevent women’s ascent up the organizational ladder. Journal of Social Issues, 57(4), 657–674.
This research reveals how gender stereotypes impact women’s career progression, particularly when they are perceived as less competent in male-dominated fields.

Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45(1), 79–122.
This model highlights the influence of environmental and personal factors on career choices, emphasizing that gender stereotypes can limit aspirations.

Pazy, A., & Oron, I. (2001). Sex proportion and performance evaluation among high-ranking military officers. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 22(6), 689–702.
This study demonstrates that the underrepresentation of women in leadership roles affects performance evaluations, which are often biased due to stereotypical perceptions.

Ridgeway, C. L., & Correll, S. J. (2004). Unpacking the gender system: A theoretical perspective on gender beliefs and social relations. Gender & Society, 18(4), 510–531.
This article explores how gender beliefs influence social relationships and reinforce inequalities in education and professional spheres.

Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. American Psychologist, 52(6), 613–629.
The stereotype threat reduces individuals’ performance when they are confronted with negative expectations related to their gender or background.

Su, R., Rounds, J., & Armstrong, P. I. (2009). Men and things, women and people: A meta-analysis of sex differences in interests. Psychological Bulletin, 135(6), 859–884.
This meta-analysis reveals that differences in interests between men and women are partly influenced by cultural stereotypes, reinforcing gendered career choices.

Guglielmi, D., Fraccaroli, F., & Pombeni, M. L. (2004). Les intérêts professionnels selon le modèle hexagonal de Holland: Structures et différences de genre. L'Orientation Scolaire et Professionnelle, 33(3), 409-427.
This study analyzes the structures of professional interests according to Holland’s RIASEC model and examines gender differences in these structures.

Super, D. E. (1990). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 16(3), 282–298.
Super proposes a comprehensive approach to career development, showing how social roles and life experiences shape professional aspirations, often influenced by gender norms.

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